Guide Antisocial Behavior (The Chaos Principle Book 2)

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  1. The Politics of Anti-Social Behaviour
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Article Navigation. Close mobile search navigation Article Navigation. Volume Article Contents. The Koda Execution Case. About the Authors. Ethos in Chaos? In other words, if the group situation is associated with more prosocial norms, deindividuation can actually increase these behaviors, and therefore does not inevitably lead to antisocial conduct. Building on these findings, researchers have developed more contemporary accounts of deindividuation and rioting.

One particularly important approach has been the social identity model of deindividuation effects or SIDE model , developed by Reicher, Spears, and Postmes This perspective argues that being in a deindividuated state can actually reinforce group salience and conformity to specific group norms in the current situation. According to this model, deindividuation does not, then, lead to a loss of identity per se.

Indeed, as Fogelson concluded in his analysis of rioting in the United States in the s, restraint and selectivity, as opposed to mindless and indiscriminate violence, were among the most crucial features of the riots. Private self-consciousness refers to the tendency to introspect about our inner thoughts and feelings.

Public self-consciousness , in contrast, refers to the tendency to focus on our outer public image and to be particularly aware of the extent to which we are meeting the standards set by others. However, the presence of the mirror had no effect on college students from Japan. In general, though, we all experience heightened moments of self-awareness from time to time. Sometimes when we make these comparisons, we realize that we are not currently measuring up. Simply put, the more self-aware we are in a given situation, the more pain we feel when we are not living up to our ideals.

In these cases, we may realign our current state to be closer to our ideals, or shift our ideals to be closer to our current state, both of which will help reduce our sense of dissonance. Another potential response to feelings of self-discrepancy is to try to reduce the state of self-awareness that gave rise to these feelings by focusing on other things. For example, Moskalenko and Heine found that people who are given false negative feedback about their performance on an intelligence test, which presumably lead them to feel discrepant from their internal performance standards about such tasks, subsequently focused significantly more on a video playing in a room than those given positive feedback.

There are certain situations, however, where these common dissonance-reduction strategies may not be realistic options to pursue. For instance, the person who has become addicted to an illegal substance may choose to focus on healthy eating and exercise regimes instead as a way of reducing the dissonance created by the drug use. The key findings were that those who had engaged in the self-affirmation condition and were then exposed to a threatening hypothesis showed greater tendencies than those in the non-affirming group to seek out evidence confirming their own views, and to detect illusory correlations in support of these positions.

The Politics of Anti-Social Behaviour

Still another option to pursue when we feel that our current self is not matching up to our ideal self is to seek out opportunities to get closer to our ideal selves. One method of doing this can be in online environments. They also rated their avatars as more similar to their ideal selves than they themselves were. The authors of this study concluded that these online environments allow players to explore their ideal selves, freed from the constraints of the physical world.

There are also emerging findings exploring the role of self-awareness and self-affirmation in relation to behaviors on social networking sites. Gonzales and Hancock conducted an experiment showing that individuals became more self-aware after viewing and updating their Facebook profiles, and in turn reported higher self-esteem than participants assigned to an offline, control condition.

The increased self-awareness that can come from Facebook activity may not always have beneficial effects, however. Perhaps sometimes we can have too much self-awareness and focus to the detriment of our abilities to understand others. Toma and Hancock investigated the role of self-affirmation in Facebook usage and found that users viewed their profiles in self-affirming ways, which enhanced their self-worth. They were also more likely to look at their Facebook profiles after receiving threats to their self-concept, doing so in an attempt to use self-affirmation to restore their self-esteem.

It seems, then, that the dynamics of self-awareness and affirmation are quite similar in our online and offline behaviors. Having reviewed some important theories and findings in relation to self-discrepancy and affirmation, we should now turn our attention to diversity. Once again, as with many other aspects of the self-concept, we find that there are important cultural differences.

For instance, Heine and Lehman tested participants from a more individualistic nation Canada and a more collectivistic one Japan in a situation where they took a personality test and then received bogus positive or negative feedback. They were then asked to rate the desirability of 10 music CDs. Subsequently, they were offered the choice of taking home either their fifth- or sixth-ranked CD, and then required to re-rate the 10 CDs. The critical finding was that the Canadians overall rated their chosen CD higher and their unchosen one lower the second time around, mirroring classic findings on dissonance reduction, whereas the Japanese participants did not.

Crucially, though, the Canadian participants who had been given positive feedback about their personalities in other words, had been given self-affirming evidence in an unrelated domain did not feel the need to pursue this dissonance reduction strategy. In contrast, the Japanese did not significantly adjust their ratings in response to either positive or negative feedback from the personality test. Once more, these findings make sense if we consider that the pressure to avoid self-discrepant feelings will tend to be higher in individualistic cultures, where people are expected to be more cross-situationally consistent in their behaviors.

Those from collectivistic cultures, however, are more accustomed to shifting their behaviors to fit the needs of the ingroup and the situation, and so are less troubled by such seeming inconsistencies. Although the self-concept is the most important of all our schemas, and although people particularly those high in self-consciousness are aware of their self and how they are seen by others, this does not mean that people are always thinking about themselves.

This may be welcome news, for example, when we find ourselves wincing over an embarrassing comment we made during a group conversation. It may well be that no one else paid nearly as much attention to it as we did! People also often mistakenly believe that their internal states show to others more than they really do. One at a time, each student stood up in front of the others and answered a question that the researcher had written on a card e. After each round, the students who had not been asked to lie indicated which of the students they thought had actually lied in that round, and the liar was asked to estimate the number of other students who would correctly guess who had been the liar.

Asendorpf, J. Self-awareness and other-awareness. II: Mirror self-recognition, social contingency awareness, and synchronic imitation. Developmental Psychology, 32 2 , — Barrios, V. Elucidating the neural correlates of egoistic and moralistic self-enhancement. Consciousness and Cognition: An International Journal, 17 2 , — Baumeister, R.

Guide Antisocial Behavior (The Chaos Principle Book 2)

How emotions facilitate and impair self-regulation. Gross Eds. Beaman, A. Self-awareness and transgression in children: Two field studies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 37 10 , — Bessiere, K. The ideal elf: Identity exploration in World of Warcraft. Boysen, S. Current issues and emerging theories in animal cognition. Campbell, J. Self-esteem and clarity of the self-concept.

Self-concept clarity: Measurement, personality correlates, and cultural boundaries. Chiou, W. Enactment of one-to-many communication may induce self-focused attention that leads to diminished perspective taking: The case of Facebook. Csikszentmihalyi, M. Self-awareness and aversive experience in everyday life.

Journal of Personality, 50 1 , 15— DeAndrea, D. Online language: The role of culture in self-expression and self-construal on Facebook. Doherty, M. Duval, S. A theory of objective self-awareness. Fenigstein, A. Public and private self-consciousness: Assessment and theory. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 43 , — Festinger, L.

Some consequences of deindividuation in a group. Fogelson, R. Violence as protest: A study of riots and ghettos. New York: Anchor. Gilovich, T. The spotlight effect and the illusion of transparency: Egocentric assessments of how we are seen by others. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 8 6 , — Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 78 2 , — Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 75 2 , — Gonzales, A. Mirror, mirror on my Facebook wall: Effects of exposure to Facebook on self-esteem. Goossens, L. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 12 2 , — Gramzow, R.

Aspects of self-regulation and self-structure as predictors of perceived emotional distress. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 26 , — Greenberg, J. Avoiding and seeking self-focused attention. Harter, S. The development of self-representations. Eisenberg Eds. The construction of the self: A developmental perspective. Heatherton, T. Self-awareness, task failure, and disinhibition: How attentional focus affects eating.

Heine, S. Culture, dissonance, and self-affirmation. Mirrors in the head: Cultural variation in objective self-awareness. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 34 7 , — Higgins, E. Self-discrepancies: Distinguishing among self-states, self-state conflicts, and emotional vulnerabilities. Honess Eds. New York: Wiley. Ip, G. Culture, values, and the spontaneous self-concept. After randomly assigning students to first-grade classrooms, researchers found that nearly half of the classrooms were chaotic and the remainder were reasonably well-managed.

Of the boys in the study who began schooling in the top quartile of aggressive behavior as rated by their teachers , those assigned to orderly classrooms had odds of in favor of being highly aggressive in middle school. However, those boys assigned to chaotic classrooms had odds of for being highly aggressive in middle school. This seminal finding suggests that poor classroom management by teachers in grade one is a huge, but preventable, factor in the development of antisocial behavior—and, conversely, that effective classroom management can have an enormous long-term positive effect on behavior.

Thus, working closely with first-grade teachers and, presumably, other early-grade teachers on their behavior management can yield substantial future benefits for students and their schools by offsetting destructive outcomes. But to some extent, this just begs the larger question: How can schools and their teachers create and sustain orderly classrooms? We summarize here the key findings and conclusions from 40 years of research.

First, we present a three-tiered intervention model that matches the extent of children's behavioral problems to the power and, therefore, cost of the programs implemented. Second, we offer tools that can accurately and effectively identify students as young as kindergarten and, in daycare or preschool settings, even at-risk three-year-olds can be identified who are likely to become school behavior problems and, later in life, delinquents and even adult criminals. Third, we review five techniques that, in combination, are at the heart of preventing antisocial behavior.

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Fourth, we describe specific programs with substantial and growing records of effectiveness that successfully incorporate all of the above into entirely doable, economical, and feasible school interventions. These programs can be purchased by schools from a variety of for-profit publishers and non-profit child and family services organizations. Some are inexpensive; the more expensive interventions tend to be individualized to meet the needs of highly aggressive children. All of the programs described in this article can be funded with either IDEA resources or school improvement funds.

Department of Education. See " Prevention Begins with Screening " for more information on funding. Research has shown that the best way to prevent antisocial behavior is actually to start with an inexpensive schoolwide intervention and then add on more intensive interventions for the most troubled kids. Building on work done by the U. Public Health Service, Hill Walker and his colleagues developed a model with three progressively more intensive levels of intervention to address challenging behavior within schools Walker, Horner, Sugai, Bullis, Sprague, Bricker, and Kaufman, This model has proved to be very popular among educational researchers and has been broadly adopted by practitioners as a way to select and coordinate interventions.

It is sometimes referred to in educational forums as "the Oregon Model. The three levels of intervention are known as "universal," "selected," and "indicated. Examples of universal interventions relevant to behavior are classwide social skills training and well-enforced school discipline codes. Outside of education, the polio vaccination is an example of a "universal intervention. But schoolwide programs accomplish three things. First, they improve almost all students' behavior—and most students, even if they don't qualify as troublemakers, still need some practice being well-behaved.

Second, universal interventions have their greatest impact among students who "are on the margins"—those students who are just beginning to be aggressive or defiant. Sometimes, systematic exposure to a universal intervention will be sufficient to tip them in the right direction. Third, the universal intervention offers a foundation that supports the antisocial students throughout the day by reinforcing what they are learning in their more intensive selected and indicated interventions; these latter interventions are more efficient and have a greater impact when they are applied in the context of a prior, well-implemented, universal intervention.

Approximately 80 to 90 percent of all students will respond successfully to a well-implemented universal intervention Sugai et al. Once the school environment is orderly, the antisocial students pop up like corks in water. These students have "selected" themselves out as needing more powerful "selected" interventions that employ much more expensive and labor-intensive techniques. The goal with these students is to decrease the frequency of their problem behaviors, instill appropriate behaviors, and make the children more responsive to universal interventions Sugai et al.

While selected interventions typically are based in the school, to be their most effective they often require parental involvement. Nevertheless, even when parents refuse to participate, selected interventions still have positive effects and are well worth the effort. The vast majority of antisocial students will start behaving better after being involved in universal and selected interventions, but schools can expect that a very small percentage of antisocial students about one to five percent of the total youth population will not. These are the most severe cases—the most troubled children from the most chaotic homes—and they require extremely intensive, individualized, and expensive interventions.

These interventions, called "indicated," are typically family focused, with participation and support from mental health, juvenile justice, and social service agencies, as well as schools. Most non-specialized schools will find that running such an intervention is beyond their capacity. It's for such students that alternative education settings are necessary. This three-tiered intervention model offers a structure that educators can use when they are reviewing and trying to coordinate programs.

It ensures that all students' needs will be met efficiently—each child is exposed to the level of intervention that his behavior shows he needs. This is a very cost-effective model for schools because interventions become much more expensive as they become more specialized. Many fields have well-established practices to identify problems early and allow for more effective treatments. For instance, in medicine, routine screening procedures such as prostate-specific antigen PSA tests to detect prostate cancer, mammograms to detect breast cancer, and Papanicolaou Pap tests to detect the early states of cervical cancer have been routine for years.

Unfortunately, similar proactive, early identification approaches are not commonly used to identify children with, or at risk of developing, antisocial behavior. But research shows that early identification is absolutely critical: Children who have not learned appropriate, non-coercive ways to interact socially by around 8 years of age the end of third grade will likely continue displaying some degree of antisocial behavior throughout their lives Loeber and Farrington, We also know that the longer such children go without access to effective and early intervention services particularly after the age of 8 , the more resistant to change their behavior problems will be Gresham, and the more expensive it will be to induce the change.

Yet, as discussed previously, schools offer special education services to just one percent of students, though two to 16 percent manifest some form of antisocial behavior—and virtually no special education services are provided before students become adolescents. The technology usually simple normed checklists and observation instruments, as described below for identifying such children is gradually becoming more accurate for children at younger and younger ages Severson and Walker, A particularly valuable approach to screening is known as "multiple gating" Loeber, Dishion, and Patterson, Multiple gating is a process in which a series of progressively more precise and expensive assessments or "gates" are used to identify children who need help with their behavior.

This screening procedure offers a cost-effective, mass screening of all students in grades one to six in regular education classrooms. The SSBD is made up of a combination of teacher nominations Gate 1 , teacher rating scales Gate 2 , and observations of classroom and playground problem behavior Gate 3. It was nationally standardized on 4, students for the Gate 2 measures and approximately 1, students for the Gate 3 measures.

It represents a significant advance in enabling the systematic and comprehensive screening of behavioral problems among general education students Gresham, Lane, and Lambros, The major advantage of the SSBD is first, its ease of use, and second, its common set of standards for teachers to use in evaluating students' behavior; these standards remove most of the subjectivity that is endemic to the referral process commonly used in schools Severson and Walker, If all schools employed universal screening and backed it up with effective early interventions , an enormous amount of defiant and destructive behavior could be prevented—and innumerable teaching hours could be preserved.

When dealing with well-established antisocial behavior, a combination of the following techniques is usually required in order to successfully bring about behavior change: 1 a consistently enforced schoolwide behavior code, 2 social-skills training, 3 appropriately-delivered adult praise for positive behavior, 4 reinforcement contingencies and response costs, and 5 time-out see Wolf, Each of these techniques is briefly explained below.

Over the past three decades, an extensive body of research has developed on the effectiveness of these techniques for preventing and remediating problem behavior within the context of schools. Studies of the use of these techniques show that positive strategies appropriate praise, social-skills training, providing free-time privileges or activities are generally sufficient for developing and maintaining the appropriate behavior of most students.

However, students with challenging behavior often also require sanctions of some type e. Extensive research clearly shows that, to be most effective, intervention programs or regimens incorporating these techniques should be applied across multiple settings classrooms, hallways, playgrounds, etc. No single technique applied in isolation will have an enduring impact. Used together, however, they are effective—especially for antisocial students age 8 or younger.

Assembling these techniques into feasible and effective daily routines can be done by individual teachers in well-run schools. But it is difficult, time-consuming, and fraught with trial and error. Among the fruits of the past several decades of research on this topic is a group of carefully developed and tested programs that integrate these techniques into entirely doable programs that don't overly distract teachers from their main job: teaching.

Several are briefly described in this and the following section. A Well-Enforced Schoolwide Behavior Code A schoolwide behavior code creates a positive school climate by clearly communicating and enforcing a set of behavioral standards. The code should consist of 5 to 7 rules—and it's essential to carefully define and provide examples of each rule. Ideally, school administrators, teachers, related services staff, students, and parents should all be involved in the development of the code.

But writing the code is just the first step. Too often, teachers and others complain, a behavior code is established—and left to wither. To be effective, students must be instructed in what it means, have opportunities to practice following the rules, have incentives for adhering to it as described in the third and fourth techniques below , and know that violating it brings consequences.

One excellent, inexpensive program for teaching the schoolwide behavior expectations reflected in a code is called Effective Behavior Support EBS. The principal features of EBS are that all staff administrative, classroom, lunchroom, playground, school bus, custodial, etc.

The behavior expectations are explicitly taught to students and they are taught in each relevant venue. In groups of 30 to 45, students are taken to various parts of the school e. Once they have learned the expectations, they are motivated to meet them by earning rewards and praise for their good behavior. Social Skills Training As discussed earlier, many antisocial students enter school without adequate knowledge of—or experience with—appropriate social skills.

These skills must be taught, practiced, and reinforced. This is the purpose of social skills training. Skills taught include empathy, anger management, and problem solving. They are taught using standard instructional techniques and practiced so that students not only learn new skills, but also begin using them throughout the school day and at home.

While the training is vital for antisocial students, all students benefit from improving their social skills—especially students "on the margin" of antisocial behavior. Social skills curricula are typically taught in one or two periods a week over the course of several months and in multiple grades. One of the most tested and effective social skills curricula, called Second Step, is described in the sidebar " Good Behavior Needs to Be Taught. Adult Praise Adult praise from teachers, parents, or others is a form of focused attention that communicates approval and positive regard.

It is an abundantly available, natural resource that is greatly underutilized.

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This is indeed unfortunate because praise that is behavior specific and delivered in a positive and genuine fashion is one of our most effective tools for motivating all students and teaching them important skills. Reavis et al. We would also suggest that the ratio of praise to criticism and reprimands be at least —and higher if possible. Although antisocial students may not immediately respond to praise because of their long history of negative interactions with the adults in their lives, when paired with other incentives such as the type of reward system described below , the positive impact of praise will eventually increase.

Reinforcement Contingencies and Response Costs Rewards and penalties of different sorts are a common feature of many classroom management strategies. Research shows that there are specific "best" ways to arrange these reinforcements to effectively motivate students to behave appropriately.

These strategies are called individual reinforcement contingencies, group reinforcement contingencies, and response costs. Individual contingencies are private, one-to-one arrangements between a teacher or parent and a student in which specified, positive consequences are made available dependent "contingent" upon the student's performance. Earning a minute of free time for every 10 or 15 math problems correctly solved, or attempted, is an example of an individual contingency.

Group contingencies are arrangements in which an entire group of individuals e. Note: A group can fail to earn a reward, such as an extra five minutes of recess, but should not be penalized, such as by losing five minutes of the normal recess. This strategy gets peers involved in encouraging the antisocial student to behave better.

Antisocial Behavior in Children Part 2

For example, if the antisocial student disrupts the class, instead of laughing at his antics, other students will encourage him to quiet down so that they can all earn the reward. To make it easier to keep track of students' behavior, reinforcement contingencies are often set up as point systems in which students must earn a certain number of points within a certain time period in order to earn a reward.

Teachers can increase the effectiveness of contingencies by adding a response cost so that good behavior earns points and bad behavior subtracts points—making it much harder to earn a reward. Response costs are the basis for late fees, traffic tickets, penalties in football, foul shots in basketball, and other sanctions in public life. This technique is further explained in the sidebar on First Step to Success, an intensive program for extremely aggressive K—3rd-grade children see " Dealing with Jimmy the 'Terror'—How an Intensive Intervention Works ".

The Cognitive Self: The Self-Concept – Principles of Social Psychology – 1st International Edition

We recommend both in-classroom time-out for minor infractions and out-of-classroom time-out the principal's office or a designated time-out room for more serious infractions. Students should be given the option of volunteering for brief periods of time-out when they temporarily cannot control their own behavior, but teachers should never physically try to force students into time-out. Finally, in-class time-out should be used sparingly and should not be used with older students. Older students who need to be removed from a situation can be sent to the principal's office or another "cool-down" room instead of having an in-class time-out.

The research foundation for these techniques is quite strong and the empirical evidence of their effectiveness is both persuasive and growing. For the past 40 years, researchers in applied behavior analysis have worked closely with school staff and others in testing and demonstrating the effectiveness of these techniques within real world settings like classrooms and playgrounds. Literally hundreds of credible studies have documented the effectiveness of each of these techniques—as well as combinations of them—in remediating the problems that antisocial children and youth bring to schooling.

The research has also surfaced guidelines for the effective application of the techniques in school contexts Walker, One source is Title I. Schools in which at least 40 percent of the students are poor should look into using the schoolwide provision of Title I to fund universal interventions. Under Title I schoolwide, you can combine several federal, state, and local funding streams to support school improvement programs.

Insofar as students are identified as emotionally disturbed, their interventions can be funded by IDEA. The federal government also provides funding to reduce behavior problems through the Safe and Drug Free Schools and Communities Act. In this case, state education agencies receive funds to make grants to local education agencies and governors receive funds to make complementary grants to community-based organizations. Plus, most states have funding streams that could support the programs described in this article. In spite of huge advances in our knowledge of how to prevent and treat antisocial behavior in the past decade, the Surgeon General's Report on Youth Violence indicates that less than 10 percent of services delivered in schools and communities targeting antisocial behavior patterns are evidence-based see Satcher,